Tag Archives: Journey’s End

‘Arf Past Five, Sir

The final scene of Journey’s End opens with Mason softly shaking Stanhope awake: ‘Arf-past five, sir,’ he says. In a moment or two, Trotter wanders through, lathering up his face: ‘Sounds quiet enough out there,’ he remarks. As the scene progresses, the sounds of shelling commence, and Stanhope sends Trotter up first, followed by the others. Only Raleigh will return to the dugout, to die, before Stanhope slowly mounts the stairs to meet the oncoming German advance.

Sam Claflin as Stanhope in Journey’s End (2017), courtesy of Lionsgate UK

Sherriff, of course, was not in France for the opening salvoes of the Kaiserschlacht, having been wounded in the opening days of the third battle of Ypres the previous August. So he can be forgiven for not knowing that the German artillery started raining down on the British lines an hour earlier than it did for Stanhope and his fellow officers. The 72nd Brigade Diary notes that, on a very foggy morning, ‘Germans opened very heavy artillery and trench mortar fire at 4:30am. Essling Redoubt, Maissemy and Vadencourt Chateau heavily gas shelled for 6 hours.’ The North Staffords Diary noted that ‘there was a considerable amount of gas shelling, and Battalion HQ dugout soon became full of gas.’ The fog was so dense that it ‘prevented any idea of finding out enemy or our own movements by observation’.

Michael Lucas relates that the German bombardment was ‘of crushing intensity and remarkable precision’:

‘…the first 2 hours were devoted mostly to known enemy batteries, trench mortars, command posts and billets, with mixed high explosive and gas. The next 3 hours were devoted largely to the British infantry and their defences. At 9:40am the German infantry moved forward under a creeping barrage.’

Lack of visibility and destruction of communications meant that messages had to be relayed by runners, who were often wounded or delayed. Lt Lechmere Thomas – RC Sherriff’s friend, ’Tommy the Bomber’ – who had joined the 9th East Surreys at much the same age and at much the same time as Sherriff – was working at 72 Brigade HQ as Intelligence Officer when the attack began, and, leaving at 5:45am, didn’t reach the North Staffords, in the Brigade’s right sector, until 8:00am. He later asked to rejoin his Battalion.

From: Lucas, M., The Journey’s End Battalion, Pen & Sword, 2012

The Germans made rapid progress on the Brigade’s right, quickly making their way through the North Staffords in the Forward Zone. ‘B’ Company of the East Surreys, which had been posted the previous night to support them, sufffered some casualties in the inital bombardment, and then was eventually overrun, after very stout resistance, around about noon – so that ‘only around 30 made it back to the battalion’. The other 3 companies of the East Surreys moved up at 10:00am to Villecholes and were ordered to help in defence of Maissemy. Other units in the area were unsure of the enemy’s exact position, and while reconnoitoring forward Lt Col Le Fleming, ℅ of the East Surreys was killed by a sniper, leaving Major C A Clark (Sherriff’s old friend ‘Nobby’) in command.

On the left the West Kents put up more successful resistance, but even there, by 1:00 o’clock they were struggling:

‘Enemy broken through on right and advancing on Essling Redoubt. Vadencourt bridge blown up in face of enemy. Pontru trench has been occupied by enemy from right  flank and remains of 2 forward companies holding on in Cookers Quarry…Enemy advancing from river. We are inflicting heavy casualties. Mounted men are coming over the sky line by Lone Tree Post. Several Battalions advancing against us…’

At 4:00pm the Brigade Diary reported that the East Surreys were holding a line from Villecholes east and then south, joining with the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders. The Germans pressed hard over the next few hours to take the high ground to the south of Maissemy, engaging mainly 61st Division, and thus sparing the East Surreys the worst of their onslaught. As the evening wore on the Royal West Kents had to withdraw from their positions in Vadencourt, while the neighbouring 17th Infantry Brigade had given up Cookers Quarry.

By late evening the fighting had died down, but the Brigade Diary summed up a day of heavy losses:

‘Summary: The very thick fog of the morning undoubtedly enabled the enemy to break through our outpost defences as most of the posts and Machine Guns were taken in rear. The North Staffords were almost wiped out – only 3 officers and 20 other ranks came through. Battalion HQ apparently put up a magnificent fight…8 RW Kents put up a magnificent fight in defence of Vadencourt Chateau throughout the day and caused very severe casualties…’

According to the records of the Commonwealth War Graves Commission (and remembering the inherent unreliability of precisely dating deaths in the face of the confusion of the battle on this and ensuing days), the North Staffords probably lost around 80 killed on the first day of the German advance, with the Royal West Kents losing over 40, and the East Surreys around 20, with several times that number wounded.

There would be many more casualties in the days ahead.

[Next post: 22 March]

A dugout in the trenches before St Quentin…

R C Sherriff’s classic play begins on the night of Monday, 18 March 1918, when ‘a pale glimmer of moonlight shines down the steps into one corner of the dugout’. The officers of an Infantry Company arrive in their dugout, located in a support trench about fifty yards behind the front line, somewhere in front of St Quentin.

Almost from the moment the officers arrive they are made aware that the ‘big German attack’s expected any day now’, and that they’ll most likely be in its path during their six days in the line.

* * * *

Although the Infantry Company in the play is unspecified, Sherriff based his play on his own experiences with the 9th East Surreys. By the time of the German advance in March 1918 he had long since returned to England, wounded early in the Third Battle of Ypres in August 1917. His old Battalion, however, was based very close to the location of Stanhope and his fellow officers: from 11 March to the evening of the 17 March they were in the front line in Villecholes, about 3 miles from St Quentin.

The Battalion War Diary (written up afterwards, as the original was lost in the chaos following the German attack) reports the line being generally quiet (‘it was a most uneventful tour’), although it also notes that:

‘During the six days the Battalion was in the sector, there was a marked lack of artillery fire on the part of the enemy, it seemed as if he were waiting and saving his ammunition for some definite purpose.’

Of course, this prescience may be explained as the wisdom of hindsight, but intelligence reports at the time indicated movement behind the German lines that could be consistent with an imminent attack, and so British commanders were inclined to be alert to any possible threats. On 15 March, for instance, the War Diary for 72 Brigade (which incorporated the 1/North Staffordshire Regiment, the 8/Royal West Kent Regiment and the 9/East Surreys) reported that, owing to an expected enemy attack, a reserve company had moved up to fortify a position before dawn: ‘Everybody stood to as our artillery opened fire as before. Nothing happened.’

The 16 March was quiet as well, according to both the Battalion and the Brigade, although the Brigade Diary does note that ‘an enemy aeroplane was brought down in flames caused by the Lewis guns of the 9 East Surrey regiment – it fell just behind the enemy’s lines’.

Early on the morning of 18 March the East Surreys were relieved by the 1/North Staffs, and returned to the reserve camp at Vermand, about three miles away. The Diary reports that ‘Being the first day that the Battalion was out of the line, the day was devoted to Baths, kit inspection, re-equipping etc.’. But an abundance of caution was still in evidence, for ‘one company was standing-to every morning one hour before dawn in case of an enemy attack. This was carried out in turn by companies’. Meanwhile, back on the front line, the Battalion Diary reported that on the night of 18 March, ‘a gap was found cut in our wire in front of an advanced post of the right Company, right Battalion. The same thing had been done to left of Battalion on our right…all precaution was taken in view of possible raid but nothing followed.’

[Next post: 19 March]

Where Journey’s End Begins

Here is a list of all of the images used in the video below. I am grateful to Surrey Heritage and Kingston Grammar School for permission to use all Sherriff-related images as shown. Additionally I would like to thank Lionsgate Films, Mesh Theatre and Steve Edwin for their permission to use images from their productions of Journey’s End.

 

References

All movie footage taken from the 1930 film of Journey’s End, author’s collection

Title shot: Soldiers walking: Memories of Active Service (MAS), Vol 2, facing p268 (2332/3/9/3/4)

47 seconds: Soldiers silhouetted: MAS, Vol 1, facing p53 (2332/3/9/3/2)

53 seconds: Photo of Sherriff as 2nd Lt (2332/6/4/2)

59 seconds: No Man’s Land: MAS, Vol 1, facing p141 (2332/3/9/3/2)

1:05 minutes: Working party: MAS, Vol 2, facing p275 (2332/3/9/3/4)

1:10 minutes: Letter to Mother, 28 Sep 1916 (2332/1/1/2/84)

1:13 minutes: Letter to Mother, 25 Oct 1916 (2332/1/1/2/99)

1:16 minutes: Letter to Mother, 22 Oct 1916 (2332/1/1/2/97)

1:20 minutes: Letter to Mother, 29 Jan 1917 (2332/1/1/2/142)

1:23 minutes: MAS Vol 1, Cover Page (2332/3/9/3/2)

1:27 minutes: Photo of Sherriff in Kingston Rowing Club blazer (2332/6/6/11/6)

1:38 minutes: Savoy Theatre Programme, Author’s collection

1:57 minutes: Photo of Officers of ‘C’ Company, April 1917 (2332/6/4/2/3)

2:13 minutes: Photo of Dan Dawes as Hardy, courtesy of Mesh Theatre Company

2:18 minutes: Photo of Percy High and other officers (2332/3/9/3/2)

2:28 minutes: Photo of Paul Bettany as Osborne, courtesy of Lionsgate Films

2:41 minutes: Morris caricature : MAS, Vol 2, facing page 254 (2332/3/9/3/3)

2:56 minutes: Morris text description: MAS, Vol 2, p256 (2332/3/9/3/3)

3:04 minutes: Photo of Toby Jones as Mason, courtesy of Lionsgate Films

3:08 minutes: Photo of officers of 9th East Surreys, March 1917 (ESR/25/CLARK/7)

3:14 minutes: Photo of Asa Butterfield as Raleigh, courtesy of Lionsgate Films

3:42 minutes: Photo of officers of ‘C’ Company, op cit

3:47 minutes: Newspaper cutting of Dick Webb, from Sherriff’s scrapbook (2332/9/11)

5:01 minutes: Photo of Alex Tol as Hibbert, courtesy of Mesh Theatre Company

5:38 minutes: Photo of Sam Claflin as Stanhope, courtesy of Lionsgate Films

5:40 minutes: Caricature of Captain Charles ‘Baby’ Hilton (ESR/19/2/7)

5:46 minutes: Caricature of Captain Gerald Tetley MC (ESR/19/2/7)

5:53 minutes: Photo of officers of ‘C’ Company, op cit

6:15 minutes: Photo of ex-officers at Journey’s End matinee (ESR/25/CLARK/15 (20))

You’re playing for England now

After the Apollo Theatre performances of Journey’s End, and while rehearsals were underway for the new production at the Savoy Theatre, there was time for some further adjustment to the script. Some of the critics at the Apollo performances had drawn attention to some lines that sounded out of place, and Sherriff and Whale themselves were perfectionist enough to have some views of their own as to how the play had worked on its first two outings. Some changes had probably already been made before the Incorporated Stage Society (ISS) production, but from the versions currently available, it is clear that there was some further tinkering before the Savoy premiere.

In fact, including the play as currently published, there are four different versions of the Journey’s End script.

The earliest ‘version’ of the play is at the Imperial War Museum, where it was deposited in 1929 by Sir Walter Lawrence. He had purchased the manuscript, for £1500, at auction at the 10th Anniversary dinner of the League of Nations Union at the Guildhall in London, on 14 November that year. The manuscript is not, unfortunately, a typed and bound one: Sherriff tended not to have many copies of his plays made – they were expensive, and there was little point in running up the bills if the play looked unlikely to find a home. So the papers that were deposited at the Museum are a jumbled assortment of handwritten and typewritten pages.

The earliest complete version of Journey's End. By permission of the Surrey History Centre (Ref: 2332/3/1/1/3)

The earliest complete version of Journey’s End. By permission of the Surrey History Centre (Ref: 2332/3/1/1/3)

Fortunately, two copies of a sequential early manuscript do exist – one in Sherriff’s own papers at the Surrey History Centre, and one at the Victoria and Albert Museum Theatre and Performance Archive: to all intents and purposes they are identical, except that the former is missing some pages towards the end. The SHC manuscript is stamped with a mark indicating that it was used as evidence in the plagiarism case which was heard before the New York South District Court in October 1931, thus supporting the idea that Sherriff himself viewed it as his earliest manuscript copy. The other copy, at the V&A, is labelled on the front as the property of the Incorporated Stage Society, while a further stamp indicates it was typed at the ‘Miss Hayes’ Typewriting office in St Martin’s Lane – suggesting that it was probably typed at the ISS’s request. We can regard these as the original script, and they differ in a number of ways from the version we know today. But the question is: when did the changes from the original come about?

Sherriff said that very few changes were made before the Apollo Theatre performances, but the account in the autobiography of Maurice Evans (the original Raleigh) disagrees. Maurice Browne (the man who produced the play at the Savoy), appears to side more with Sherriff, since after the play opened at the Savoy he commended Whale, who had done ‘a magnificent production, and…some very wise cutting.’

On balance, it seems likely that there were cuts made both before and after the ISS production. Some of the changes seem to have been made solely on the ground of length, and it is not hard to imagine these being made early on in the process, to speed the action up. But some of the other changes are more subtle in their impact, affecting the tone of the play, and altering the portrayal of the characters; these seem more likely to have been made in the light of experience, and following comments made after the initial production.

Exactly how far does the Journey’s End we know today differ from the original? There are approximately 25 significant alterations. Here are the most important:

* The longest excision from the original is in the section in which Stanhope talks to the Sergeant-Major in Act II, Scene 2 (page 50⁠ 1). After the Sergeant-Major asks, ‘What happens when the Boche ‘as all got round the back of us?’, there’s a lengthy sequence in the original in which Stanhope discusses some of the regular soldiers in the company, most notably giving Stanhope the line: ‘A man who can make the chaps laugh out here is worth a dozen big guns’ – which is almost exactly the expression Sherriff uses in his Memoir in discussing his servant Morris. This was most likely cut to reduce running time and because it slowed the arrival of the Colonel to discuss the raid.

* There are several changes in Osborne’s first conversation with Raleigh (Act I). Just after Raleigh notes ‘how frightfully quiet it is!’ (p20) he remarks in the original that he was first billeted (by way of contrast) in a house on the main line and near the trams: Sherriff may have been drawing on his own experience here (given that he was raised in a house backing onto a train line). A few lines later, after Osborne asks Raleigh ‘You thought it was fighting all the time?’ they have a brief exchange in the original about looking up at the moon and the stars, and thinking of those at home doing the same thing. Why this has been elided is not clear, since it reinforces a remark a few lines later that Raleigh should think of it all as ‘romantic’. But a couple of other, rather gentle, reminiscences  are also removed a little later (Act II, Scene 1, pp38-39), when Trotter is discussing the bird in No-Man’s land, and Osborne his rockery. These changes trim the length of the play, but also make its tone just a little bit harder-edged.

* Later in Act I, Osborne and Stanhope discuss hero-worship (p30), but at slightly greater length in the original, when Osborne remarks that the man he fagged for at school now commands a Brigade in Palestine. Given that Journey’s End is grounded in the idea of hero-worship, it seems odd to cut the few extra sentences that discuss it – but the need to move the action along (and perhaps to adhere to William Archer’s prescription to show, rather than tell) is the most likely reason for the change.

* Still in Act I, there are one or two tiny cuts which nevertheless have an impact on our view of Stanhope. When discussing Madge waiting for him, for example (p31), he ‘reaches impulsively for the whisky’ in the original, saying ‘Oh Lord – I must have a drink’ – emphasising the additional strain that Raleigh’s arrival is placing on him. And the strain can be seen even more clearly shortly afterwards (p33) when, in the original, he declines Osborne’s suggestion that he should sleep, replying: ‘Sleep? – I sleep? – Sleep with about three days to live?…’. Nowhere else in the play is the likely result of the German offensive expressed quite so graphically.

* In the conversation between Osborne and Raleigh in Act II, Scene 1 (pp 41-42) there are one or two alterations, but one cut in particular stands out – a rather satirical comment from Osborne (just after Raleigh says that ‘It all seems rather silly’): when Raleigh asks why the newspapers make out that the Germans are such rotten blighters, Osborne replies that ‘It’s their duty to. It’s our duty to hate all Germans. Go on! – Hate them! – Grind your teeth!’, and Raleigh laughs in response. It’s quite an effective line – biting but humorous – but it may have been felt to be too mocking of those on the home front. It is clear from markings on the original manuscripts, however, that Sherriff was having doubts about the whole section amplifying the decency of the Germans (including the reference to the Germans at Wipers allowing the British to carry off their wounded man). Thankfully he kept most of the sequence (other than the ‘Grind your teeth’ line), because otherwise we would have been deprived of the (quintessentially Sherriff) lines: Raleigh: ‘It all seems rather silly, doesn’t it?’; Osborne: ‘It does, rather’.

* One other line in this exchange which caused Sherriff some trouble is one which was identified, after the Apollo Theatre productions, as almost the only false note in the play (in the otherwise flattering review in the Evening Standard)⁠2. When Osborne tells Raleigh that he once played rugger for  Raleigh replies ‘How topping – to have played for England!’, to which Osborne then says (in the original) ‘You’re playing for England now.’ Always mindful of critics’ comments, Sherriff changed Osborne’s response to ‘Well, aren’t you, now?’ in time for the Gollancz first edition of the published play. But sometime later he changed it again, to its present incarnation (p42): ‘It was rather fun’.

* Shortly after, we come to the scene in which Stanhope takes Raleigh’s letter from him, and has Osborne read it out loud. Here (p49) there is a small change, but one which affects our view of Stanhope quite considerably. Raleigh’s letter, which praises Stanhope to the skies, ends with the rather plaintive: ‘I’m awfully proud to think he’s my friend.’ Osborne then turns to Stanhope and asks: ‘Shall I stick it down?’ to which, in the present-day version, Stanhope, sitting with lowered head, answers with a murmur that sounds like ‘Yes, please’ before crossing heavily to Osborne’s bed. Clearly, he is guilty and ashamed of what he has done. In the original, however, his attitude is quite different: his response to Osborne’s question is to throw back his head and laugh, before answering ‘All right! – Stick the damn thing down!’ The Stanhope of the original was much more the senior schoolboy he had once been than the tired and tortured officer of the later version. Interestingly, Sherriff indicated a change at an earlier stage of the drafting process which also emphasised the complex nature of Stanhope’s character. At some point, Stanhope’s reaction to Raleigh’s return from the raid was a simple: ‘Well done, Raleigh’, but he changed it, giving it considerably more depth and power to: ‘Must you sit on Osborne’s bed?’.

* Another pivotal speech with which he grappled was the exchange between Stanhope and Hibbert, after Hibbert has stared down the barrel of Stanhope’s gun (Act II, Scene 2, p58). Stanhope encourages Hibbert to stay by referring to the other officers – ‘Take the chance, old chap, and stand in with Osborne…’ etc. The speech is reminiscent of sections of Sherriff’s Memoir where he wrestles with his own emotions – at one point desperate to ‘worm out’ of things, but then reconciled by the presence of his friends and fellow officers, and with the need not to let them down. In the play it’s a very powerful speech, so it seems surprising that he should have thought of cutting it (which is suggested by pencil marks in the margin of the early manuscript). In the event the only part of the whole section which was removed was a part of a line of Hibbert’s: ‘…and thanks most awfully for – for not shooting me just now’. The italicised part of the line was omitted, perhaps for fear that it would sound incongruous, and provoke some laughter. Now the thought remains unfinished, with nothing more needing to be said.

There are other, lesser, changes too, but overall the impetus after the Apollo performances seems to have been to make the play move a little quicker; the fact that some passages were obviously questioned, yet remained in the text, indicates that they were felt too important to cut. While, on the whole, the changes do not make much difference to the play, there is no doubt that the tone can be affected by even quite innocuous alterations, especially where the character of Stanhope is concerned.

anImage_1.tiff

 

Page references are to the Penguin Modern Classics edition, 2000.

The Evening Standard, 11 December 1928.

 

Sherriff’s Dugout

Still enjoying his time in the mine, he was nevertheless chafing at the lack of certainty about how long the duty might continue. He would be happy if it went on for the duration of the war – he was enjoying the freedom it offered him [and no doubt the relative safety]. He told his mother that, when he had visited his own Company earlier that day they had told him that they were expecting him back any day – but he thought [hoped, probably] that they were only pulling his leg. He wished he could be told exactly how long he had left at the mine, rather than dealing with the possibility that he might be called away at any time.

Pips had asked him to describe his dugout, so Sherriff obliged:

‘We live in a shelter about 15ft long by 7ft broad. It is like a square hole dug into the ground, and thick sheets of corrugated iron placed over it – the door is on one broad side and used to consist of a square hole with iron girders on top; a little passage cut into the earth led to the trench. Inside (which, before we started renovating consisted of bare earth walls, which, showing signs of falling, we put good, strong wire over) we have on the wall two boxes nailed – one of wood without a door, in which we keep all tinned stuff, and the other being a tin, which has a lid, and “the rats don’t seem to be able to work out ‘ow to git in” (as Morris says) in which we keep all edibles.

James Whale's Design for the Dugout in Journey's End. By permission of the Surrey History Centre (Ref: 2332/6/13/4) and the David Lewis Estate.

James Whale’s Design for the Dugout in Journey’s End. By permission of the Surrey History Centre (Ref: 2332/6/13/4) and the David Lewis Estate.

We have put up some wooden shelves which tilt at such an angle that things placed on them very gently slide off. Nails on the wall serve to support sandbags containing the following articles: No.1 bag – books, magazines and papers; No.2 bag – all washing things in holdall; No.3 bag – spare underclothes; No.4 bag – various oddments.

As regards furniture – 2 stout wooden frames with wire nailed across form very comfortable beds, supported at each end by sandbags; a long board with empty sandbags on it serves as a table, with a narrower board on two petrol tins forming the seat – a wooden box on its end is used as a table, on its side as a chair – so taking it all round it is a comfortable enough little home, although the roof is by no means proof against bullets or shell, but I think it would stop shrapnel splinters.

After the dugout caved in we made several improvements, a wooden frame we put in the door, and we put wire round the walls with empty sandbags hanging down behind. “You’ve only got ter paint Abrihim and a few others in to make it look like ‘ampton Court,” said Morris (who, by the way, lives in Molesey) as he surveyed his work of sandbag-hanging with some admiration.’

He told his mother that he had been into the local town shopping, and arranging baths for his men. He had bought some peaches and pears, some lobster, chocolate, and also 6 eggs, although two had broken, to make a raw omelette at the bottom of his pocket. When he had called into the Company he had received no mail – no letters or packages – but he was eagerly awaiting the one his mother had sent – with some socks, and ‘all sorts of delicious things’: ‘It is good of you to send them, dear – it is almost worth being out here to receive your letters and parcels.’

He had received news from home, both from Pips and from Bundy [his brother], telling him how the winds had blown the apples and leaves from the trees in the garden. This prompted him to reminisce about the times he would come home from school to see the garden looking just as he imagined it now. But there was more:

‘I also associate this time of the year with the time after I had left school and began to realise to the fullest extent the beauty of history and literature and when I used to go for cycle rides with Clayton [a master who had arrived at KGS in 1911, and who, in 1914, when Sherriff was unhappy at his job as a clerk with Sun Insurance, had offered advice on how to become a schoolmaster] and he used to tell me lots of things about history which he would not tell me in school for fear of making the work too much like play.’

He proceeded to repeat his ambitions for when he returned after the war – to furnish his room in Tudor style; to make a library of historical books, while continuing to collect stamps and coins as his hobbies; to travel to view historic sights around the country, in places such as York, and Hadrian’s Wall; and perhaps, one day, ‘to sit for a degree at London University – it only requires careful study to get an M.A. or B.A. in history’.

He had decided not to pursue, at this point, his aim of joining the Flying Corps, feeling that it would be difficult to get the Adjutant to agree to a transfer, and it might prejudice his chances of staying at the mine. But if he were to return to his Battalion soon, he might then consider it. He felt that there was no chance of any leave on the horizon – although it was notionally due after three months, there were many officers in front of him in the queue. But he told his mother that, even if he did not manage to be home in time for Christmas, they could enjoy their own when he did finally come home:

‘I think the idea of Father Christmas is one of the most beautiful legends man has ever thought of – what a pity man does not give his attention to these things instead of to war – yet I suppose we must have war to appreciate these things’.

 [Next letter: 12 November]

 

A born comedian

He told Pips that he was still enjoying his work, although there was one drawback: ‘…you have plenty of responsibility and all bad work is blamed onto you – still, you can’t have money for nothing and there is worry with every job.’ On the whole the work was uneventful, and even on their days off-duty, there was still enough to occupy them that the time seemed to pass very quickly.

He was conscious that the 5th November was coming up soon, and he fondly recalled his father and uncle trying to organise, from a 2 shilling box, small firework displays (‘wonderful to our unpractised eyes’), but burning themselves by lighting “Blue Devils” at the wrong end. He wished he could be at home to ‘indulge in a few of these little pleasures once more.’

He went on to tell Pips about their troubles with the rats, of which he reckoned there must be millions – so many that even a ‘Pied Piper who wasn’t German’ would have to work pretty hard to keep the numbers down. They were doing what they could to protect their supplies – packing everything in sandbags and stringing them from the roof – but the rats were showing great ingenuity in opening tins and chewing their way through metal, so he reckoned it would only be a matter of time before they pulled the sandbags down.

Alexander Field as Mason the cook, with Colin  Clive (Stanhope) in the original 1929 Savoy production of Journey's End. Photo by the Stage Photo Company. By permission of the Surrey History Centre (Ref: ESR/19/2/6(4))

Alexander Field as Mason the cook, with Colin Clive (Stanhope) in the original 1929 Savoy production of Journey’s End. Photo by the Stage Photo Company. By permission of the Surrey History Centre (Ref: ESR/19/2/6(4))

He was augmenting his reading of Marcus Aurelius with Scott’s novel, Guy Mannering, and with whatever papers were around. Outside the dugout, the sounds of war continued – ‘tap! tap! tap!’ – and they had recently been startled by some trench mortar shells landing nearby. But still there was scope for plenty of fun, mainly from the men, and Morris in particular, who was a ‘born comedian’:

‘Yesterday we were a bit short of provisions and were arranging our dinner – we had a soup tablet, some tinned pork & beans, a little tin of lobster and some coffee – [Morris] took off his hat in a perplexed way saying:  “Soup – fish – pork – beans – coffee – it don’t seem to rhyme properly, do it?” I leave it to you to puzzle out what he meant.’

[Next letter: 2 November]

Enter Private Morris…

‘We have now spent 4 very happy days looking after a working party here,’ he wrote to Pips [in a letter dated 26 October, but probably written on 28 October – see here for more information]. ‘It is just like the old camping days on the river, except our servants do our shopping instead of our doing it personally.’ He explained that there were little shops in the nearby villages where additional supplies could be obtained, and, since their stocks were limited, it was hard for the servants to obtain exactly what Sherriff and Gibson wanted. Upon the servants’ return the dialogue with the officers would go something like this:

Private Morris, as drawn by Sherriff. Memories of Active Service, Vol 2, facing page 254. By permission of the Surrey History Centre (Ref: 2332/3/9/3/4)

Private Morris, as drawn by Sherriff. Memories of Active Service, Vol 2, facing page 254. By permission of the Surrey History Centre (Ref: 2332/3/9/3/4)

‘Did you get any coffee? – No sir, they ain’t got no coffee so we bought choclut.

Eggs? – Yes sir, but two of ’ems broke and one or two seems to leak a bit, they’s been shook up a bit, them trenches is so slippery that you uses all yer ‘ands to keep yer up.

Mustard? – No sir, they ain’t got none, but they ‘ad vinegar (waves a bottle triumphantly and puts it on table).

Strawberry Jam? – No sir, they ain’t no strawberry but I got some quince marmalade (produces a rusty tin, sealed about twenty years ago).

Lemon squash? – Yes, sir (He thinks he has got one thing right, dives into bag and produces a tiny little bottle of gassy yellow liquid – of course we meant the essence, but it can’t be helped).

Pears? – No pears, sir. Hapricots, sir (a gaudy tin appears).

He told Pips that they got no end of fun out of his servant, Morris, who was a ‘born Londoner’ and who managed to cook  the ‘most excellent meals over a smoky fire in a muddy trench.’ Everything was cooked in little billy cans, and since there were only two plates, they had to be washed after each course. ‘The joy of the meal,’ he wrote, ‘is the unconsciously humorous remarks he makes – he never leaves the dugout without leaving us both in fits of suppressed laughter.’

[Morris had actually been assigned to him on 19 October, but this was the first time he had mentioned him in his letters. Morris was very clearly the model for Mason in Journey’s End, who in turn may have been an influence on the character of Baldrick in Blackadder goes Forth. Certainly it is easy to hear the above dialogue spoken in Baldrick’s voice.]

He told his mother about Morris as well, noting how good he was and how he ‘fusses round  and gets me tea in the morning without any asking’ – although Sherriff attributed that to his own tendency to treat the men well: ‘I find that saying “Good morning” to any man I meet in the trench or a little chat now and then does nothing towards making a lack of discipline, and I think the men like you better.’ It was in order to set a good example to the men that he was opting not to wear the “Bullet Body Shield” that he had bought, and had just been delivered to him – at least not in general duty in the trenches, since ‘it would not seem fair to the men to see an officer padded up with steel sheets, but I shall certainly keep it handy and if the time ever comes that we have to go ‘over the top’ I should certainly wear it then. In ordinary everyday life I prefer to share the risks with the men.’

And, on the subject of risk he wanted to reassure her that his interest in the Flying Corps (which by now she had told him she approved of) was not because he was ‘seeking to escape from a danger I cannot face in the infantry’, but more because he thought he would find flying more ‘congenial’: ‘I am quite capable of putting up with all the hardships attached to infantry work as so many thousands of other officers are.’

Thankfully, as he told both his mother and Pips, his present duty was very pleasant, even if he was slightly put out by one of the ‘C’ Company officers [Douglass], crowded out of his own dugout, sharing with him and Gibson (‘it makes us rather crowded’). He was trying to be philosophical about his good luck in securing his present post, and hoped it would continue for some time, but the army being what it was he feared he might be moved on sooner than he would want. He could still hear the sounds of battle – the ‘distant tap! tap! tap! of a machine gun’; the ‘ping!’ from a sniper’s bullet; the distant ‘Boom! Boom! Boom! and a noise like rippling water as a shell or two fly overhead, and a second later a dull crash far away’. While he was, at least, protected by twenty feet of earth, he felt trapped – lamenting his lack of freedom, and comparing himself to an earwig ‘walking solemnly round and round my candle…If I were this earwig I shouldn’t stay here long – I should start straight off this evening for England and not bother to waste my time walking round a candle.’ [The sounds of war obviously made an impact on him, and were important in Journey’s End. The little earwig would also have a minor role in the play, and would require to be translated for the benefit of American productions.]

[Next letter: An encounter with rats, on 29 October]

 

 

Going Underground

On Tuesday 24 October Sherriff had set out with fifteen ‘other ranks’ from the battalion, who were being transferred temporarily to the 254th Tunnelling Company of the Royal Engineers. He was pleased to be accompanied on the journey by several other officers who were acting as an advance party to scout out the section of the trench to which the battalion was being sent, in Brigade support. Percy High was there, from ‘D’ Company, and Abrams (who had come across to France with him) from ‘B’. The ‘A’ Company officer was 2nd Lt David Hatten, and Sherriff was delighted to discover that he was another former Kingston Grammar School boy (although about 19 years his senior). Also with them on the journey were 2nd Lt Douglass, from Sherriff’s own ‘C’ Company [who went by the nickname ‘Father’, and, like Percy High,  is another plausible model for the figure of ‘Uncle’ in Journey’s End].

The following morning [25th] he wrote to his father to tell him of their journey: ‘[We] left at 7 o’clock from our rest camp and after steady marching for 4 hours eventually arrived at a town [Mazingarbe, between Lens and Béthune in the Loos sector, although he did not say so] where we were put up in a very comfortable commercial hotel, just like the ones we stay at in cycle touring.’ The town was well preserved (a few miles back from the front line) and he had enjoyed the rest of the day at leisure to explore it. He and Percy High had shared a room in the hotel, but today after lunch they would go their separate ways – Percy to the trenches, he to the mine with his men.

Mazingarbe in 1921. Photo taken by Pips during a cycle tour of the battlefields, and posted into his journal. By permission of the Surrey History Centre (Ref: 2332/9/7)

Mazingarbe in 1921. Photo taken by Pips during a cycle tour of the battlefields with his son, and posted into his journal of the trip. By permission of the Surrey History Centre (Ref: 2332/9/7)

By this time he had been joined by another officer – 2nd Lt Gibson, of the North Staffordshire Regiment, with whom he had served in the same company while he was training in the Artists Rifles. Gibson had brought 15 of his own men, and their numbers rose with another 30 men drawn equally from the Queens’ and West Kent Regiments. He wrote to his mother later that day [25th] and told her that he and Gibson were being given ‘the responsibility of looking after these 60 men…and I have had a pretty busy day making out lists of working parties etc and getting the men stowed away comfortably in dugouts.’ He hoped that he might be able to stay in the job for some time and that the work would be ‘interesting and fairly comfortable.’ While he feared that he might be taken off the job just in time to go into the line with his battalion again, he resolved to try to look on the bright side – and having the officers of ‘C’ Company living in another part of the trench close by at least meant that he would continue to have access to his mail, and his treasured parcels, two of which, he told her, he would be picking up as soon as he finished writing his letter.

[Next letters: 26 October]

Who could not be happy?

‘Who could not be happy,’ he asked his mother, ‘after spending 8 days in constant danger, great or small, where you had always to keep an eye open for shells and other missiles, and then to come into a quiet little village where you can walk along open roads and across green fields, where the ground is smooth and not churned up by shell holes and encumbered with wire entanglements.’

He was absolutely happy, he told her, ‘with a nice comfortable tent…and a cosy little room in a farmhouse to mess in’. He wrote in similarly high spirits to Pips, noting that, although the wind was chilly, his tent was sheltered and warm, ‘with the sun shining on the canvas’. They would remain in rest until Tuesday, ‘when we are off again.’ He told him about his long walks the day before, through the ‘flat, though interesting countryside,’ which was prevented from being monotonous by the ‘women with funny looking bonnets working in the fields.’ He had stumbled across a football match, and English soldiers were everywhere (but not so the French).  Everything was peaceful and calm, except for a ‘faint rumble rumble…from the distant south, where that rumble has been going on consistently for over 3 months, almost without a pause.’ [The Somme].

Percy High (rear left, with pipe). From 'Memories of Active Service', Vol 1, facing p 22. By permission of the Surrey History Centre (Ref: 2332/3/9/3/2)

Percy High (rear left, with pipe). From ‘Memories of Active Service’, Vol 1, facing p 22. By permission of the Surrey History Centre (Ref: 2332/3/9/3/2)

When he had returned from his walk the previous evening he had attended a concert organised by the Chaplain (‘it was remarkably good, some very fine comedians and singers were amongst them’), and this morning he had gone to Church parade in the very same hall. He was planning another long walk this afternoon, and wished he could go with some of the men in his Platoon (‘some seem such gentlemen’), but he felt it would compromise discipline. Instead, as he told his mother, he was planning to go with Percy High, ‘that man whom I came over with – he is a good reliable sort of man who reminds me of Uncle Syd [who was married to his maternal aunt Alice] – it is funny that I always prefer older men as companions…I find they are more interesting and can advise you.’ [Percy, a schoolteacher, may well have been one of the models for Uncle in Journey’s End.]

He told his mother how much he had enjoyed her parcel – how its contents had reminded him of old times – and how happy he would be to have more lovely ‘eatables’ from home (and some more vermin powder, of course). Although ‘this little rest has been as happy a time as I have had in the army’, he was still longing for home, and was already making plans (as he told both parents) to do up his little study in ‘Tudor style, with a  good bookcase and make a collection of choice books.’ In the meantime, he would make the most of the cake and the cigarettes that he had just received from his Auntie Beattie, which, he was quick to assure his mother [her sister], he was just about to write and thank her for.

[Next letters: 25 October]