‘Too damn quiet…’

In the Journey’s End dugout on Tuesday 19 March, Trotter talks to Osborne about how quiet it was on duty the previous night – ‘Too damn quiet’, he says. ‘You can bet your boots the Boche is up to something. The big attack soon, I reckon. I don’t like it, Uncle.’

* * * *

In the real world the day was also very quiet. The Diary for 72 Brigade recorded a ‘very fine and quiet day’, although British artillery ‘opened very heavy fire on enemy front trenches from 5:00am until dawn’. The 8th West Kents were in the front line on the Brigade’s left sub-sector, with the 1st North Staffords (the Diary of which reports the day as ‘quiet and uneventful’) on the left. The East Surreys were still in reserve, a couple of miles back at Vermand, and busily engaged in training (‘especially Gas Drill’).

The Allies were confident that the Germans would shortly mount a major offensive, since they had been transferring significant reinforcements form the Eastern Front, following the collapse of the Russians in the wake of the October revolution (and their confirmed withdrawal with the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in early March). The exact focus of the likely offensive was still unclear, which increased nervousness along the line.

In anticipation of the attack, the Allies, learning from German strategy the previous year, had planned to defend in depth. As Michael Lucas writes:

‘The Forward Zone was to be based on the existing front-line system. Behind it was to be the Battle Zone, usually 1 to 2 miles to the rear, and at least 2,000 to 3,000 yards in depth. Finally there was to be the Rear Zone, 4 to 8 miles behind the Battle Zone…The Forward Zone was to be held in reasonable strength so that if the enemy could be stopped, he could be delayed and punished severely before reaching the Battle Zone…If all else failed, the enemy was to be stopped by the Rear Zone (Green line).’

If the attack came on the stretch of country patrolled by 72 Brigade, much would depend on the strength of the different zones, and the layout of outposts and redoubts within it.

[Next post: 20 March]

A dugout in the trenches before St Quentin…

R C Sherriff’s classic play begins on the night of Monday, 18 March 1918, when ‘a pale glimmer of moonlight shines down the steps into one corner of the dugout’. The officers of an Infantry Company arrive in their dugout, located in a support trench about fifty yards behind the front line, somewhere in front of St Quentin.

Almost from the moment the officers arrive they are made aware that the ‘big German attack’s expected any day now’, and that they’ll most likely be in its path during their six days in the line.

* * * *

Although the Infantry Company in the play is unspecified, Sherriff based his play on his own experiences with the 9th East Surreys. By the time of the German advance in March 1918 he had long since returned to England, wounded early in the Third Battle of Ypres in August 1917. His old Battalion, however, was based very close to the location of Stanhope and his fellow officers: from 11 March to the evening of the 17 March they were in the front line in Villecholes, about 3 miles from St Quentin.

The Battalion War Diary (written up afterwards, as the original was lost in the chaos following the German attack) reports the line being generally quiet (‘it was a most uneventful tour’), although it also notes that:

‘During the six days the Battalion was in the sector, there was a marked lack of artillery fire on the part of the enemy, it seemed as if he were waiting and saving his ammunition for some definite purpose.’

Of course, this prescience may be explained as the wisdom of hindsight, but intelligence reports at the time indicated movement behind the German lines that could be consistent with an imminent attack, and so British commanders were inclined to be alert to any possible threats. On 15 March, for instance, the War Diary for 72 Brigade (which incorporated the 1/North Staffordshire Regiment, the 8/Royal West Kent Regiment and the 9/East Surreys) reported that, owing to an expected enemy attack, a reserve company had moved up to fortify a position before dawn: ‘Everybody stood to as our artillery opened fire as before. Nothing happened.’

The 16 March was quiet as well, according to both the Battalion and the Brigade, although the Brigade Diary does note that ‘an enemy aeroplane was brought down in flames caused by the Lewis guns of the 9 East Surrey regiment – it fell just behind the enemy’s lines’.

Early on the morning of 18 March the East Surreys were relieved by the 1/North Staffs, and returned to the reserve camp at Vermand, about three miles away. The Diary reports that ‘Being the first day that the Battalion was out of the line, the day was devoted to Baths, kit inspection, re-equipping etc.’. But an abundance of caution was still in evidence, for ‘one company was standing-to every morning one hour before dawn in case of an enemy attack. This was carried out in turn by companies’. Meanwhile, back on the front line, the Battalion Diary reported that on the night of 18 March, ‘a gap was found cut in our wire in front of an advanced post of the right Company, right Battalion. The same thing had been done to left of Battalion on our right…all precaution was taken in view of possible raid but nothing followed.’

[Next post: 19 March]

Where Journey’s End Begins

Here is a list of all of the images used in the video below. I am grateful to Surrey Heritage and Kingston Grammar School for permission to use all Sherriff-related images as shown. Additionally I would like to thank Lionsgate Films, Mesh Theatre and Steve Edwin for their permission to use images from their productions of Journey’s End.

 

References

All movie footage taken from the 1930 film of Journey’s End, author’s collection

Title shot: Soldiers walking: Memories of Active Service (MAS), Vol 2, facing p268 (2332/3/9/3/4)

47 seconds: Soldiers silhouetted: MAS, Vol 1, facing p53 (2332/3/9/3/2)

53 seconds: Photo of Sherriff as 2nd Lt (2332/6/4/2)

59 seconds: No Man’s Land: MAS, Vol 1, facing p141 (2332/3/9/3/2)

1:05 minutes: Working party: MAS, Vol 2, facing p275 (2332/3/9/3/4)

1:10 minutes: Letter to Mother, 28 Sep 1916 (2332/1/1/2/84)

1:13 minutes: Letter to Mother, 25 Oct 1916 (2332/1/1/2/99)

1:16 minutes: Letter to Mother, 22 Oct 1916 (2332/1/1/2/97)

1:20 minutes: Letter to Mother, 29 Jan 1917 (2332/1/1/2/142)

1:23 minutes: MAS Vol 1, Cover Page (2332/3/9/3/2)

1:27 minutes: Photo of Sherriff in Kingston Rowing Club blazer (2332/6/6/11/6)

1:38 minutes: Savoy Theatre Programme, Author’s collection

1:57 minutes: Photo of Officers of ‘C’ Company, April 1917 (2332/6/4/2/3)

2:13 minutes: Photo of Dan Dawes as Hardy, courtesy of Mesh Theatre Company

2:18 minutes: Photo of Percy High and other officers (2332/3/9/3/2)

2:28 minutes: Photo of Paul Bettany as Osborne, courtesy of Lionsgate Films

2:41 minutes: Morris caricature : MAS, Vol 2, facing page 254 (2332/3/9/3/3)

2:56 minutes: Morris text description: MAS, Vol 2, p256 (2332/3/9/3/3)

3:04 minutes: Photo of Toby Jones as Mason, courtesy of Lionsgate Films

3:08 minutes: Photo of officers of 9th East Surreys, March 1917 (ESR/25/CLARK/7)

3:14 minutes: Photo of Asa Butterfield as Raleigh, courtesy of Lionsgate Films

3:42 minutes: Photo of officers of ‘C’ Company, op cit

3:47 minutes: Newspaper cutting of Dick Webb, from Sherriff’s scrapbook (2332/9/11)

5:01 minutes: Photo of Alex Tol as Hibbert, courtesy of Mesh Theatre Company

5:38 minutes: Photo of Sam Claflin as Stanhope, courtesy of Lionsgate Films

5:40 minutes: Caricature of Captain Charles ‘Baby’ Hilton (ESR/19/2/7)

5:46 minutes: Caricature of Captain Gerald Tetley MC (ESR/19/2/7)

5:53 minutes: Photo of officers of ‘C’ Company, op cit

6:15 minutes: Photo of ex-officers at Journey’s End matinee (ESR/25/CLARK/15 (20))

You’re playing for England now

After the Apollo Theatre performances of Journey’s End, and while rehearsals were underway for the new production at the Savoy Theatre, there was time for some further adjustment to the script. Some of the critics at the Apollo performances had drawn attention to some lines that sounded out of place, and Sherriff and Whale themselves were perfectionist enough to have some views of their own as to how the play had worked on its first two outings. Some changes had probably already been made before the Incorporated Stage Society (ISS) production, but from the versions currently available, it is clear that there was some further tinkering before the Savoy premiere.

In fact, including the play as currently published, there are four different versions of the Journey’s End script.

The earliest ‘version’ of the play is at the Imperial War Museum, where it was deposited in 1929 by Sir Walter Lawrence. He had purchased the manuscript, for £1500, at auction at the 10th Anniversary dinner of the League of Nations Union at the Guildhall in London, on 14 November that year. The manuscript is not, unfortunately, a typed and bound one: Sherriff tended not to have many copies of his plays made – they were expensive, and there was little point in running up the bills if the play looked unlikely to find a home. So the papers that were deposited at the Museum are a jumbled assortment of handwritten and typewritten pages.

The earliest complete version of Journey's End. By permission of the Surrey History Centre (Ref: 2332/3/1/1/3)

The earliest complete version of Journey’s End. By permission of the Surrey History Centre (Ref: 2332/3/1/1/3)

Fortunately, two copies of a sequential early manuscript do exist – one in Sherriff’s own papers at the Surrey History Centre, and one at the Victoria and Albert Museum Theatre and Performance Archive: to all intents and purposes they are identical, except that the former is missing some pages towards the end. The SHC manuscript is stamped with a mark indicating that it was used as evidence in the plagiarism case which was heard before the New York South District Court in October 1931, thus supporting the idea that Sherriff himself viewed it as his earliest manuscript copy. The other copy, at the V&A, is labelled on the front as the property of the Incorporated Stage Society, while a further stamp indicates it was typed at the ‘Miss Hayes’ Typewriting office in St Martin’s Lane – suggesting that it was probably typed at the ISS’s request. We can regard these as the original script, and they differ in a number of ways from the version we know today. But the question is: when did the changes from the original come about?

Sherriff said that very few changes were made before the Apollo Theatre performances, but the account in the autobiography of Maurice Evans (the original Raleigh) disagrees. Maurice Browne (the man who produced the play at the Savoy), appears to side more with Sherriff, since after the play opened at the Savoy he commended Whale, who had done ‘a magnificent production, and…some very wise cutting.’

On balance, it seems likely that there were cuts made both before and after the ISS production. Some of the changes seem to have been made solely on the ground of length, and it is not hard to imagine these being made early on in the process, to speed the action up. But some of the other changes are more subtle in their impact, affecting the tone of the play, and altering the portrayal of the characters; these seem more likely to have been made in the light of experience, and following comments made after the initial production.

Exactly how far does the Journey’s End we know today differ from the original? There are approximately 25 significant alterations. Here are the most important:

* The longest excision from the original is in the section in which Stanhope talks to the Sergeant-Major in Act II, Scene 2 (page 50⁠ 1). After the Sergeant-Major asks, ‘What happens when the Boche ‘as all got round the back of us?’, there’s a lengthy sequence in the original in which Stanhope discusses some of the regular soldiers in the company, most notably giving Stanhope the line: ‘A man who can make the chaps laugh out here is worth a dozen big guns’ – which is almost exactly the expression Sherriff uses in his Memoir in discussing his servant Morris. This was most likely cut to reduce running time and because it slowed the arrival of the Colonel to discuss the raid.

* There are several changes in Osborne’s first conversation with Raleigh (Act I). Just after Raleigh notes ‘how frightfully quiet it is!’ (p20) he remarks in the original that he was first billeted (by way of contrast) in a house on the main line and near the trams: Sherriff may have been drawing on his own experience here (given that he was raised in a house backing onto a train line). A few lines later, after Osborne asks Raleigh ‘You thought it was fighting all the time?’ they have a brief exchange in the original about looking up at the moon and the stars, and thinking of those at home doing the same thing. Why this has been elided is not clear, since it reinforces a remark a few lines later that Raleigh should think of it all as ‘romantic’. But a couple of other, rather gentle, reminiscences  are also removed a little later (Act II, Scene 1, pp38-39), when Trotter is discussing the bird in No-Man’s land, and Osborne his rockery. These changes trim the length of the play, but also make its tone just a little bit harder-edged.

* Later in Act I, Osborne and Stanhope discuss hero-worship (p30), but at slightly greater length in the original, when Osborne remarks that the man he fagged for at school now commands a Brigade in Palestine. Given that Journey’s End is grounded in the idea of hero-worship, it seems odd to cut the few extra sentences that discuss it – but the need to move the action along (and perhaps to adhere to William Archer’s prescription to show, rather than tell) is the most likely reason for the change.

* Still in Act I, there are one or two tiny cuts which nevertheless have an impact on our view of Stanhope. When discussing Madge waiting for him, for example (p31), he ‘reaches impulsively for the whisky’ in the original, saying ‘Oh Lord – I must have a drink’ – emphasising the additional strain that Raleigh’s arrival is placing on him. And the strain can be seen even more clearly shortly afterwards (p33) when, in the original, he declines Osborne’s suggestion that he should sleep, replying: ‘Sleep? – I sleep? – Sleep with about three days to live?…’. Nowhere else in the play is the likely result of the German offensive expressed quite so graphically.

* In the conversation between Osborne and Raleigh in Act II, Scene 1 (pp 41-42) there are one or two alterations, but one cut in particular stands out – a rather satirical comment from Osborne (just after Raleigh says that ‘It all seems rather silly’): when Raleigh asks why the newspapers make out that the Germans are such rotten blighters, Osborne replies that ‘It’s their duty to. It’s our duty to hate all Germans. Go on! – Hate them! – Grind your teeth!’, and Raleigh laughs in response. It’s quite an effective line – biting but humorous – but it may have been felt to be too mocking of those on the home front. It is clear from markings on the original manuscripts, however, that Sherriff was having doubts about the whole section amplifying the decency of the Germans (including the reference to the Germans at Wipers allowing the British to carry off their wounded man). Thankfully he kept most of the sequence (other than the ‘Grind your teeth’ line), because otherwise we would have been deprived of the (quintessentially Sherriff) lines: Raleigh: ‘It all seems rather silly, doesn’t it?’; Osborne: ‘It does, rather’.

* One other line in this exchange which caused Sherriff some trouble is one which was identified, after the Apollo Theatre productions, as almost the only false note in the play (in the otherwise flattering review in the Evening Standard)⁠2. When Osborne tells Raleigh that he once played rugger for  Raleigh replies ‘How topping – to have played for England!’, to which Osborne then says (in the original) ‘You’re playing for England now.’ Always mindful of critics’ comments, Sherriff changed Osborne’s response to ‘Well, aren’t you, now?’ in time for the Gollancz first edition of the published play. But sometime later he changed it again, to its present incarnation (p42): ‘It was rather fun’.

* Shortly after, we come to the scene in which Stanhope takes Raleigh’s letter from him, and has Osborne read it out loud. Here (p49) there is a small change, but one which affects our view of Stanhope quite considerably. Raleigh’s letter, which praises Stanhope to the skies, ends with the rather plaintive: ‘I’m awfully proud to think he’s my friend.’ Osborne then turns to Stanhope and asks: ‘Shall I stick it down?’ to which, in the present-day version, Stanhope, sitting with lowered head, answers with a murmur that sounds like ‘Yes, please’ before crossing heavily to Osborne’s bed. Clearly, he is guilty and ashamed of what he has done. In the original, however, his attitude is quite different: his response to Osborne’s question is to throw back his head and laugh, before answering ‘All right! – Stick the damn thing down!’ The Stanhope of the original was much more the senior schoolboy he had once been than the tired and tortured officer of the later version. Interestingly, Sherriff indicated a change at an earlier stage of the drafting process which also emphasised the complex nature of Stanhope’s character. At some point, Stanhope’s reaction to Raleigh’s return from the raid was a simple: ‘Well done, Raleigh’, but he changed it, giving it considerably more depth and power to: ‘Must you sit on Osborne’s bed?’.

* Another pivotal speech with which he grappled was the exchange between Stanhope and Hibbert, after Hibbert has stared down the barrel of Stanhope’s gun (Act II, Scene 2, p58). Stanhope encourages Hibbert to stay by referring to the other officers – ‘Take the chance, old chap, and stand in with Osborne…’ etc. The speech is reminiscent of sections of Sherriff’s Memoir where he wrestles with his own emotions – at one point desperate to ‘worm out’ of things, but then reconciled by the presence of his friends and fellow officers, and with the need not to let them down. In the play it’s a very powerful speech, so it seems surprising that he should have thought of cutting it (which is suggested by pencil marks in the margin of the early manuscript). In the event the only part of the whole section which was removed was a part of a line of Hibbert’s: ‘…and thanks most awfully for – for not shooting me just now’. The italicised part of the line was omitted, perhaps for fear that it would sound incongruous, and provoke some laughter. Now the thought remains unfinished, with nothing more needing to be said.

There are other, lesser, changes too, but overall the impetus after the Apollo performances seems to have been to make the play move a little quicker; the fact that some passages were obviously questioned, yet remained in the text, indicates that they were felt too important to cut. While, on the whole, the changes do not make much difference to the play, there is no doubt that the tone can be affected by even quite innocuous alterations, especially where the character of Stanhope is concerned.

anImage_1.tiff

 

Page references are to the Penguin Modern Classics edition, 2000.

The Evening Standard, 11 December 1928.

 

Goodbye to the Very lights, goodbye to the war

Having been wounded on 2 August, Sheriff was now in hospital in France. He had dictated one letter to his mother and now wrote briefly home to Pips, noting that he was writing with his left-hand, which is why the writing was shaky. At the point of writing he still did not know whether the wound would be sufficient to see him shipped back to England, but, after a night at the 14 General Hospital at Wimereux near Boulogne, he sailed for Dover on 4 August aboard the Hospital Ship St Denis.

From there it was on to the Royal Victoria Hospital in Netley in Hampshire, where he stayed for two weeks, writing to his mother and father while he was there, but also – very happily from his point of view – being visited by them as well. He fully realised how lucky he had been to have got home (‘considering the comparative slightness of my wounds’ – according to a letter to Pips on 5 August). Ten days later, he noted that only his finger remained damaged, and ‘that will soon be better’ (letter to PIps, 15 August.)

However, by then there there was a new problem: his neuralgia had flared up again. The reoccurrence of the neuralgia may well have been psychosomatic. He knew his wounds were relatively superficial, and expected to be out of hospital relatively soon. On 18 August he wrote to Pips that:

‘As my wounds are now practically better there is nothing for me to stop here for except my neuralgia which will probably be cured by the application of some syringe to my ears. However, I shall not of course hesitate to report any trouble I have with my head, for I think 10 1/2 months is quite a sufficient spell out there and that I am due at least a couple of months off in England – and the kind of neuralgia I had several times in France was enough to knock me up – I have not had it as bad as I did in April this year but it is always hanging about.’

Even as he was clutching at that straw, however, a Medical Board had decided that he was fit for service again. He was granted 3 weeks leave, after which he was to report to the East Surrey’s Grand Shaft barracks at Dover,and, after three weeks Home Service there, he would go back out to France again.

A week into his leave, however, he again reported sick. This time he had boils – which had broken out on his neck when he left hospital, and then formed more widely in places where he had splinter wounds – and he was checked in to St Thomas’s Hospital in London. The treatment took long enough that he had to write to the battalion notifying them that he would not be returning as planned, and requesting an extension of his sick leave. The cause of the boils is unknown, but, while infection may have played a part, so might the stress of knowing that he was just a few weeks away from returning to the din of the trenches.

On 9 November he joined the 3rd East Surreys in Dover. Throughout the course of 1918 a succession of Medical Boards ruled him unfit for overseas service, and he never did go back to France – at least, not until May 1921 when he took his Battlefield Cycling Tour with his father.

According to Pips’ account of their journey, they visited all of the places where Sherriff had spent time in the front lines: Ersatz Crater and the front line at Vimy Ridge; the craters of Hulluch, where he worked with the tunnelling corps; Cité Calonne, with its basement dugouts, where they had enjoyed some merry evenings; Bully Grenay, where he had his photo taken with his fellow officers; Hooge, where they had spent hot days marching in the sun; and, finally, to the battlefields around Ypres, where Sherriff’s father recorded his son’s wounding in unemotional fashion:

‘It was in this battle – about the 1st or 2nd day – that my eldest son, Captain R C Sherriff of the 3rd East Surreys was wounded and sent home to England where he remained until the end of the war.’

In 1930, Sherriff began writing a sequel to Journey’s End, which took up where the play had left off. The first scene shows the men of the Company under heavy pressure from the Germans. Stanhope mounts a suicidal attack, which leaves the Company destroyed and Stanhope and Trotter in than hands of the Germans. ‘Well,’ says Trotter, ‘this is where we say goodbye to the Very lights. Goodbye to the war.’ Sheriff may have felt a similar emotion as he climbed the gangplank of the St Denis on 5 August 1917.

I was wounded this morning

On 1 August the battalion had finally moved forward from its tent encampment at Dickebusch to the Old French Trench, 2 miles south west of Ypres, preparatory to moving up to relieve one of the units which had been engaged in the Battle of Pilckem Ridge, which had begun with an intense artillery barrage prior to an assault on 31 July.

Many years later (1968), writing in a volume of essays  (Promise of Greatness: The 1914-18 War), Sherriff described the barrage:

‘We were surrounded by batteries of artillery, and for three nights it was bedlam…There was something grand and awe-inspiring in the tremendous cannonade of guns. If you stood out there at night, you would see the whole surrounding country lit with thousands of red stabs of flame as salvo after salvo went screaming overhead.’

While the guns may have raised the spirits, the weather and the conditions in camp did quite the opposite, for by the time Sherriff’s battalion was called upon, it had been raining incessantly for three days and nights, and the conditions in which the men were living were unspeakable:

‘The cookhouse was flooded, and most of the food was uneatable. There was nothing but sodden biscuits and cold stew. The cooks tried to supply bacon for breakfast, but the men complained that it “smelled like dead men”. The latrines consisted of buckets with wet planks for the men to sit on but there weren’t enough of them. Something had given the men diarrhoea. They would grope out of their shelters, flounder helplessly in the mud and relieve themselves anywhere. Some of the older men, worn out by the long marching and wretched food, were sick. They would come groping out of their shelters, lean their heads against the corrugated iron walls, and stand there retching and vomiting and groaning. Then they would go back to their huts…These were the men who were to break through the German lines, advance into Belgium and win the war.’

The battalion moved forward from Old French Trench at 5:00pm on 2 August, to take over the brigade battle front from the North Staffs (who held the northern half) and the Queens Royal West Surreys (who held the southern half). ‘C’ and ‘D’ Companies took over the front line, with ‘A’ Company in support and ‘B’ Company in reserve. The battalion diary recorded the difficulties the relieving troops faced:

‘Heavy rain had been falling for three days, no communication trench could be used, for they were more than waist deep in water and liquid mud. Consequently all movement had to take place overland and the dark night and obstacles in the way made progress slow. In addition, on arrival at the support line, and, further, on the way to the front line, ‘C’ Company got caught in a heavy rain of shelling from the enemy, suffering something like 20 casualties in killed and wounded.’

Sherriff was one of the wounded.

In his 1968 article Sherriff wrote of the circumstances surrounding his wounding, suggesting that the battalion had been involved in an ‘over-the-top’ style of attack which had begun at dawn, and that he had been wounded in the afternoon, when attempting to make contact with a neighbouring company. But his account is quite at odds with the battalion diary, which must be seen as much the more reliable source. Being written more than fifty years after the event, it is not surprising that some of the details would be incorrect, but there is no question of the veracity of his general account of the miserable conditions in the days leading up to his wounding nor of the fearsome barrage which proceeded his move towards the front lines, both of which are corroborated by the diary and other sources. Similarly, his account of the shell that caused his wounding seems authentic, as does his description of what happened immediately afterwards:

‘It was a soldier’s legend that you never heard the shell coming that was going to hit you, but I know from first-hand experience that you did. We heard the report of it being fired, and we heard the thin whistle of its approach, rising to a shriek. It landed on top of a concrete pillbox that we were passing, barely five yards away. A few yards farther and it would have been the end of us. The crash was deafening. My runner let out a yell of pain. I didn’t yell so far as I know because I was half-stunned. I remember putting my hand to the right side of my face and feeling nothing; to my horror I thought that the whole side of my face had been blown away. Afterward, with time to think about it in hospital, I pieced the thing together. The light shell, hitting the solid concrete top of the pillbox had sent its splinters upward, mercifully above our heads; but it had sent a ferocious spattering of pulverised concrete in all directions, and that was what we got.’

Sherriff and his runner ‘began the long trek back, floundering through the mud, through the stench and black smoke of the ‘coalboxes’ [shells from 5.9 inch howitzers] that were still coming over’. They made their way back to a dressing station, and then, after a brief examination by a doctor, they carried on to a field hospital. Sherriff reckoned they had walked for 6 hours, over 5 miles, to arrive at the hospital, where, ‘with the aid of probes and tweezers, a doctor took fifty-two pieces of concrete out of me, all about the size of beans or peas. …He wrapped them in a piece of lint and gave them to me as a souvenir.’

The same night (or, most likely, the next day, despite the dating of the letter) he wrote home to his mother (or, more precisely, had an orderly write the letter to his dictation – the handwriting is clearly not Sherriff’s), to let her know that:

‘I was wounded this morning in the right hand and the right side of the face. Nothing at all serious, dear, don’t worry. I walked down all right…rest content that I am quite well and there is a chance of getting home.’

He promised he would write her another letter, unless his wound happened to be a ‘Blighty’.

[Next letter: 3 August]

Fast and furious

Sheriff wrote home to Pips:

‘As we are waiting for orders to move which may be through any moment, I am just writing you a short line in case we find a difficulty in writing during the next few days’.

He had just received a long letter from his father which discussed the progress he had made with Laws’ History [the book Sheriff had previously requested]. He had reached the Volume on Charles II, and Sherriff reckoned ‘it must be a very interesting book.’ His father had also written of the quiet country cycle rides he had been enjoying, and Sherriff trusted that it would not be long before he was able to go home and join him:

‘Things are going fast and furious here now, and we can never tell what is going to happen next – all I can hope is that I shall be one of the fortunate ones to come through safely and one can do nothing more than that – and to fall back on philosophy to save ones mind’.

He hoped that he would be able to write ‘occasional lines’ to Pips in the coming days, but knew that his father would be patient, ‘for you know what difficulties there are in writing’.

[Next letter: 2 August]

I pray I shall be lucky

Sheriff began a brief letter to his mother:

‘As we shall probably be going up into the line today I am taking the opportunity of writing a short line in case I do not have an opportunity for a day or so. We have had several days here now so had to expect to move and although we have no definite orders they will come through soon, I expect – I cannot tell at all what we are in for and simply trust and pray that I shall be lucky and come through safely – for as you say – some have got to come through safely and I hope I shall one among them.’

He went on to tell her that he had received the ring she had sent – it was ‘very nice indeed’, and he told her that he looked upon it as a gift from her, even although she was not paying for it. He did not feel he could wear two rings, so he would continue to wear the old one in the line, ‘because it has been through everything with me up till now’.

He had to keep the letters short, because he had to pack his gear, but he promised that he would write to her from the line whenever possible, but told her not to be surprised if she did not hear form hi for a while.

[Next letter: 31 July]

Rain!

The rain had started…

‘I am sitting in our tent with the rain coming down in torrents outside – during breakfast (all meals are held out of doors in fine weather) it started to come down and we quickly moved inside to finish – it reminds me of camping to hear the rain pattering down on the canvas and natural thunder is mingling with gun thunder just at present’.

They were still in the camp at Dickebusch, from where, the previous evening, he had again strolled into town with a friend, to do some shopping and have dinner (‘a pleasant relaxation from camp life’). They were ready to move if necessary, and he promised Pips, as he had many times in the past, that he would endeavour to send a letter home whenever he could. But he knew there might be tough times ahead:

‘it is quite a matter of luck even how a regiment fares as a whole – we may be lucky and in a few days be out resting with very little further trouble – or it may be the reverse, it is of little use worrying and hoping, it is of little use worrying and hoping’.

As ever, he was resolved to leave everything to fate, and not try to ‘frustrate’ it by doing anything which he had been told not to, nor by doing anything which was very obviously not the right thing to do. ‘The best thing,’ he had decided, ‘is to continue as one is advised, either by superior officers or by instinct’. He apologised that he could tell his father nothing of ‘Military Interest’, except to note that everyone was ‘as usuall “fed up” but at the same time cheerful to a certain extent – the speculation is “How long?” “Another Winter?”‘

He asked Pips to try to get hold of a pocket edition of ‘Laws History’ [most likely  Edward Laws’ History of Little England Beyond Wales, published in 1888], for he was determined, ‘if I once again find myself safe at home’, to return to his favourite pursuits, and principal among those would be ‘the study of History and Antiquities’. His overall objective was to buy a small farm, and, supplemented by writing and teaching, to free himself from ‘the dependency of the office’ (although he was quite clear that he would return to the office after the war, for as long as it took him to be financially secure).

He thanked Pips for the long letter he had received from him, in which he had noted that he had been gardening on an evening recently which had been just like the one when Sherriff had returned home from leave. ‘How much would not I give for that 10 days over again,’ he sighed in reply, ‘I have dwelled on it so much since – lived it again and again…and come to the conclusion that it could not be improved’.

[Next letter: 30 July]

Pips’ happy lot

Sherriff, still in the tent encampment at Dickebusch, began his letter to his father by apologising for not having written much recently. He had been out of the line for three days now, but had spent much of the time trying to catch up on sleep:

‘One gets a certain amount of sleep in the line but it is disturbed and one of the greatest joys on coming out is to lie down and have an undisturbed sleep for several hours which is quite delightful’.

Their previous spell in the line had been ‘short but not sweet’, and they had been glad to get out for a few days rest. He knew they would be in again soon, but he was resolved to ‘bear it as patiently as possible’, and trust that he would be one of the lucky ones to come through it unharmed. Surely, he felt, the war could not last many more months – and ‘if only the Russians would pull themselves together I am sure things would end early’.

Pips had obviously just written a letter informing him of the air-raids that had been taking place [with daylight raids now mounted by Gotha bombers], but Sherriff was unimpressed at the suffering of his fellow Londoners:

‘You say in your letter you are now having to bear the hardships of war on account of the aeroplane raids – if only I could have those in exchange for these! What would the Londoners think if there was a fleet of aeroplanes dropping bombs day in and day out – all night too – not a moment when something does not drop somewhere. What would I not give for an occasional day with no firing at all as you get in London – if only some of the Londoners could have a day over here and then be put back into London I am sure they would not worry over an occasional bombing – specially when they have cellars to run into anywhere (which we don’t always have, and even if we have must not always use if on duty) – I am afraid you do not appreciate your happy lot sufficiently.’

Having got that off his chest he reported that he had been experiencing a ‘touch of biliousness’ of late, which he put down to the effects of recently inhaling some gas (‘very slightly though’). And it clearly hadn’t stopped him going into town the previous day, where he had enjoyed a walk around, as well as lunch and dinner (‘it is such a change to get away like that’).

Just as he was closing up his letter to Pips the Corporal was coming round to pick up the mail, so his mother had to settle for a very brief letter that was little more than an assurance that he was well, and a promise of a longer letter in the near future.

[Next letter: 29 July]